See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/323852080 How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People Article in European Psychologist · January 2018 DOI: 10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 CITATIONS READS 71 7,945 1 author: Martyn Barrett University of Surrey 157 PUBLICATIONS 3,127 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Развитие на етническите стереотипи през детска възраст. Development of ethnic stereotypes during childhood View project All content following this page was uploaded by Martyn Barrett on 30 November 2020. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. http://econtent.hogrefe.com/doi/pdf/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 - Martyn Barrett <[email protected]> - Monday, March 19, 2018 4:46:44 AM - IP Address:81.98.3.239 Special Issue: Youth and Migration: What Promotes and What Challenges Their Integration? Original Articles and Reviews How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People Martyn Barrett School of Psychology, University of Surrey, UK Abstract: This paper reviews existing evidence on how the intercultural competence of young people can be promoted by schools. It begins by examining the concept of intercultural competence, and the values, attitudes, skills, knowledge, and understanding that together comprise this competence. The various actions that can be taken by schools to promote the intercultural competence of young people are then reviewed. These actions include: encouraging intercultural friendships; organizing periods of study abroad; arranging for students to have Internet-based intercultural contact; setting up school-community links and partnerships; encouraging and supporting students’ critical reflection on their intercultural experiences and on their own cultural affiliations; using pedagogical approaches such as cooperative learning and project-based learning; using pedagogical activities that enhance the development of some of the specific components of intercultural competence (such as role plays and simulations, the analysis of texts, films, and plays, and ethnographic tasks); using a culturally inclusive curriculum; and adopting a whole school approach to valuing diversity and human rights. It is argued that, while there is evidence for the effectiveness of all these various actions, further evaluation studies using more robust methods are still required. Additional research is also required to identify the circumstances under which each form of action is most effective and the subgroups of young people who benefit the most from each action. Keywords: intercultural competence, intercultural encounters, school education, educational interventions, prejudice This paper reviews existing evidence on how the intercultural competence of young people can be promoted by schools. The promotion of intercultural competence is crucial for tackling some of the most profound challenges that European societies currently face. These challenges include increases in intolerance, prejudice, and discrimination toward minority ethnic and religious groups, which are higher now in Europe than at any time in the past 50 years (European Commission, 2014; FRA, 2015). There have also been significant increases in hate crimes and violence against minority groups in recent years, in part due to higher levels of violent attacks on religious minorities including both Muslims and Jews and the harassment of women over their religious clothing (Pew Research Centre, 2014). In addition, far-right political parties in Europe, which openly espouse Islamophobic, anti-Semitic, xenophobic, and racist rhetoric and policies, have made considerable gains in recent national elections as well as in elections for the European Parliament (Human Rights First, 2015). These phenomena are deeply disturbing for anyone who cares about the peaceful coexistence of cultural groups Ó 2018 Hogrefe Publishing and about respect for the dignity and rights of all human beings. Action is urgently required to tackle these challenges. One action which may be taken is to harness school systems to boost young people’s commitment to respect and tolerance for people from other national, ethnic, and religious groups. There is very good evidence that educational interventions can be used with children and adolescents ranging in age from 5 to 18 years to counter racial, ethnic, and national prejudice and intolerance (Aboud & Levy, 2000; Paluck & Green, 2009; Pfeifer, Spears Brown, & Juvonen, 2007). The present paper describes the various ways in which schools can act not only to reduce students’ prejudice but also to boost their intercultural competence more generally. In addition, this paper provides a critical commentary on the research that has explored the effectiveness of these methods. An important qualification is necessary at the outset, however. The promotion of students’ intercultural competence is only one of many actions that needs to be taken if the societal challenges noted above are to be tackled. In addition to action at the level of the individual, action European Psychologist (2018), 23(1), 93–104 https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 http://econtent.hogrefe.com/doi/pdf/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 - Martyn Barrett <[email protected]> - Monday, March 19, 2018 4:46:44 AM - IP Address:81.98.3.239 94 M. Barrett, How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People is required at the level of institutional structures and procedures (Barrett, 2013a; Council of Europe, 2008, 2011). For example, there needs to be legislation to combat all manifestations of discrimination, hatred and intolerance, and public information campaigns about the societal and personal consequences of intolerance and hatred. All staff working for public authorities, public services, and educational and civil society organizations should be trained in intercultural issues (including teachers, a point which will be revisited in the final section of this paper), and measures to promote intercultural dialog, interaction, and exchanges in the community and in the workplace. Indeed, Barrett (2013a) lists 14 distinct policy actions that should be taken by public authorities to tackle the problems of intolerance, prejudice, discrimination, and hatred. One of the policy actions identified is harnessing the formal education system to ensure that all school leavers are properly equipped with intercultural competence. It is this specific action that the current paper addresses. What Is Intercultural Competence? For the purposes of the present paper, intercultural competence is defined as the set of values, attitudes, skills, knowledge, and understanding that are needed for understanding and respecting people who are perceived to be culturally different from oneself, for interacting and communicating effectively and appropriately with such people, and for establishing positive and constructive relationships with such people. This definition is rooted in a particular perspective on the nature of culture that construes cultural groups as being internally heterogeneous (Barrett, 2013b, 2016; Barrett, Byram, Lázár, Mompoint-Gaillard, & Philippou, 2013). This heterogeneity arises because the members of cultural groups adopt a range of diverse beliefs and practices, and because the core beliefs and practices that are most typically associated with a group constantly change and evolve over time, with different members varying in their uptake and utilization of newly emerging cultural beliefs and practices. Moreover, all individuals belong to multiple groups and have multiple cultural affiliations and identities (e.g., ethnic, religious, linguistic, national, occupational, generational, and familial). Because each person participates in a different constellation of cultures, the way in which they relate to any one culture depends, at least in part, on the other cultures to which they also belong. In other words, cultural affiliations intersect, and individuals occupy unique cultural positionings. This is a further reason why all cultural groups are internally heterogeneous. People’s cultural affiliations are fluid and dynamic, with the subjective salience of cultural identities fluctuating as European Psychologist (2018), 23(1), 93–104 individuals move from one situation to another, with different affiliations – or different constellations of intersecting affiliations – being highlighted depending on the particular social context encountered. Fluctuations in the salience of cultural affiliations are also linked to the changes that occur to people’s interests, needs, goals, and expectations as they move across situations and through time (Baumann, 1996; Onorato & Turner, 2004). Many human interactions in everyday life take place at the interpersonal level, with cultural differences playing a minimal role. However, sometimes cultural differences become salient. There are several factors that can prompt an individual to shift their frame of reference from the interpersonal to the intercultural (Ellemers, 2012; Oakes, Haslam, & Turner, 1994). This shift typically takes place when one or more of the following conditions apply: When there are perceptually salient cultural signs, emblems, or practices present that serve to elicit the cultural category in the mind of the individual. When cultural categories are frequently used by the individual to think about other people, so that these categories are primed and are readily accessed by that individual when he or she interacts with, or perceives, other people. When cultural categories help the individual to make sense of the pattern of similarities and differences between the people who are present within a situation When cultural categories help the individual to make sense of why another person is behaving in the way that they are. When the individual’s own cultural affiliations are experienced as being disadvantaged, devalued, discriminated against, or threatened in some other way by the cultural group to which the other person is perceived as belonging. In situations where other people are perceived as members of another cultural group rather than as individuals, the self is then also categorized as a cultural group member rather than in purely individual terms, with intergroup comparisons being made (Oakes et al., 1994). These comparisons are often automatic and implicit rather than conscious and explicit. The crucial point is that in an intercultural situation, one does not respond to the other person on the basis of their own individual characteristics, but on the basis of their affiliation to another culture or set of cultures. Intercultural situations, identified in this way, can involve people from different countries, people from different regional, linguistic, ethnic, or faith backgrounds, or people who differ from each other because of their lifestyle, gender, social class, occupation, or sexual orientation. When an interpersonal situation becomes an intercultural situation, because Ó 2018 Hogrefe Publishing http://econtent.hogrefe.com/doi/pdf/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 - Martyn Barrett <[email protected]> - Monday, March 19, 2018 4:46:44 AM - IP Address:81.98.3.239 M. Barrett, How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People cultural differences have been perceived and made salient either by the situation or by the individual’s own psychological orientation or cultural positioning, these are the conditions under which intercultural competence becomes relevant. Hence the definition of intercultural competence that was given earlier – it is the set of values, attitudes, skills, knowledge, and understanding that are required for understanding and respecting those who are perceived to be culturally different from oneself, for interacting and communicating effectively and appropriately with them, and for establishing positive and constructive relationships with them. Intercultural competence is therefore a broader construct than either tolerance or respect. As far as children are concerned, research has revealed that they start to classify people into racial and ethnic groups from as early as 3 or 4 years of age, with intergroup comparisons and attitudes emerging immediately thereafter (Barrett & Buchanan-Barrow, 2011); likewise, the classification of people into national groups, along with national group comparisons and attitudes, begins between 3 and 5 years of age (Barrett, 2007). Thus, by the time that children start school, some of the group memberships that are key to making racial, ethnic, and national intergroup comparisons are already salient to them. Hence, the preceding considerations concerning the nature of intercultural situations apply not only to adults but also to children from the time that they begin to attend school. The Components of Intercultural Competence As the preceding definition of intercultural competence implies, this competence consists of many psychological components. Numerous theoretical models of these components have been proposed over the years. A useful overview of the models is provided by Spitzberg and Changnon (2009). Despite the range of available models, there is significant consensus among researchers concerning the main components of intercultural competence. This conclusion emerged clearly from a study by Deardorff (2006), who used a survey to collect the views of scholars of intercultural competence. Deardorff found that 80% or more of the respondents agreed about 15 of the main components of intercultural competence. More recently, Barrett (2016) conducted an audit and analysis of 48 models of intercultural competence as part of a larger audit of models of both intercultural and democratic competence. A set of principled criteria was used to 1 95 identify the core components contained across the models, and these components were used to construct a new integrative conceptual framework. This framework contains all of the components identified by Deardorff but organized in a more systematic manner, as well as additional components not identified by her study. An initial draft of the framework was submitted to an international consultation with academic experts, educational practitioners, and educational policymakers, and the framework received strong endorsement in the consultation. This framework proposes that intercultural competence consists of the following 14 components1: Values Valuing human dignity and human rights. Valuing cultural diversity. Attitudes Openness to cultural otherness and to other beliefs, worldviews, and practices. Respect for other people and for other beliefs, worldviews, and practices. Self-efficacy. Tolerance of ambiguity. Skills Analytical and critical thinking skills. Skills of listening and observing. Empathy (in particular, cognitive and affective perspective-taking skills). Flexibility and adaptability. Linguistic, communicative, and plurilingual skills. Knowledge and critical understanding Knowledge and critical understanding of the self. Knowledge and critical understanding of language and communication. Knowledge and critical understanding of culture, cultures, and religions. Each of these components is described and explained in full in Barrett (2016). The framework proposes that an interculturally competent individual is someone who is able to mobilize, orchestrate, and deploy subsets of these components in a dynamic, fluid, and adaptive manner in order to meet the fluctuating demands, challenges, and opportunities of intercultural situations. It is clear from the list of components that some of them (e.g., openness and empathy) may be targeted from a relatively early age at preschool and primary school, whereas others are more These 14 components are extracted from a longer list of 20 components that covers not only intercultural competence but also democratic competence. The other six components (which include, e.g., civic-mindedness and valuing democracy and the rule of law) have greater relevance to democratic rather than intercultural competence and are therefore omitted here. See Barrett (2016) for further details. Ó 2018 Hogrefe Publishing European Psychologist (2018), 23(1), 93–104 96 M. Barrett, How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People Table 1. A list of the actions that schools can take to promote the intercultural competence of students http://econtent.hogrefe.com/doi/pdf/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 - Martyn Barrett <[email protected]> - Monday, March 19, 2018 4:46:44 AM - IP Address:81.98.3.239 Actions based on intergroup contact Encouraging intercultural friendships Organizing periods of study abroad Arranging for students to have Internet-based intercultural contact Setting up school-community links and partnerships, and implementing service learning projects Actions based on pedagogical approaches Supporting students’ critical reflection on their intercultural experiences and on their own cultural affiliations Using pedagogical approaches such as cooperative learning and project-based learning Using other pedagogical activities to enhance the development of specific components of intercultural competence (e.g., activities emphasizing multiple perspectives, role plays and simulations, the analysis of texts, films, and plays, and ethnographic tasks) Actions based on school institutional policies Using a culturally inclusive curriculum Adopting a whole school approach to valuing diversity and human rights suitable for targeting in upper secondary school or even in higher education (e.g., knowledge and critical understanding of culture). As such, promoting intercultural competence is a task that applies across all levels of formal education, from preschool through primary and secondary education to higher education. From the point of view of the present review, the important point to note is that educational practices and experiences that enable young people to develop and use one or more of these 14 components within intercultural contexts are those that can be used to promote intercultural competence. By boosting students’ mastery of these components, intercultural competence itself is boosted. Some of the main actions that can be taken by schools to promote students’ intercultural competence, and to reduce their intercultural prejudices, are listed in Table 1, where they have been categorized according to whether they are actions based on intergroup contact, actions based on pedagogical approaches, or actions based on school institutional policies. The review follows this tripartite categorization. Actions That May Be Taken by Schools to Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People Actions Based on Intergroup Contact Encouraging Intercultural Friendships It is now well established that encouraging students to form intercultural friendships is an effective method for reducing intercultural prejudice. The evidence comes from extensive research into the contact hypothesis (Allport, 1954; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). This hypothesis proposes European Psychologist (2018), 23(1), 93–104 that intergroup contact can reduce prejudice toward people from other cultural groups, and that four contact conditions maximize this effect: The contact should take place between people who perceive themselves to be of equal status within the contact situation. The contact should be sufficiently prolonged and close that it has the potential to allow meaningful relationships or friendships to develop between the participants. The contact should involve cooperation on joint activities that are aimed at achieving common goals (rather than competition between groups). The contact should be backed by an explicit framework of support by those in authority or by social institutions. There is now a wide range of robust evidence which indicates that contact under these four conditions does indeed lead to the reduction of prejudice, not just in adults but also in children, adolescents, and college students (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). These conditions mean that, in the school context, simply bringing students from different cultural backgrounds into contact with one another may not be sufficient for reducing prejudice. Instead, students who have different cultural affiliations need to cooperate within the classroom on tasks where they have common goals (e.g., through cooperative learning tasks where they are required to collaborate together – see below for further discussion of cooperative learning), and they need to see themselves as having equal status within the collaborative situation (e.g., they should have an equal opportunity to express their views, make suggestions, and influence group decisions). The school itself should also provide explicit policies expressing its support for intergroup contact and friendships, and class teachers should explicitly endorse these policies. Ó 2018 Hogrefe Publishing http://econtent.hogrefe.com/doi/pdf/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 - Martyn Barrett <[email protected]> - Monday, March 19, 2018 4:46:44 AM - IP Address:81.98.3.239 M. Barrett, How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People Interestingly, there is evidence that not only direct contact but also indirect contact can reduce prejudice. Three forms of indirect contact that have been investigated are extended contact (i.e., when a fellow ingroup member is friendly with an outgroup member), vicarious contact (i.e., observing an ingroup member interacting with an outgroup member), and imagined contact (i.e., imagining oneself interacting with an outgroup member), all of which have been found to be effective in reducing prejudice in adults (Dovidio, Eller, & Hewstone, 2011). There is considerable potential here to develop classroom interventions based on these forms of indirect contact (Turner & Cameron, 2016). For example, one intervention based on extended contact developed by Cameron, Rutland, Brown, and Douch (2006) involved reading a series of stories once a week over a 6-week period to 5- to 11-year-old children. In the stories, peers from the children’s own ingroup were described as having close friendships with a refugee child. Compared to controls, this intervention led to significantly more positive attitudes toward refugee children. Another intervention using imagined contact developed by Stathi, Cameron, Hartley, and Bradford (2014) required 7- to 9-year-old children to create three stories using pictures in which they had to imagine that they were interacting positively in multiple contexts with a same-age peer belonging to another cultural group. The intervention significantly improved the children’s outgroup attitudes compared to controls, and made them more willing to have contact with outgroup members in the future. Imagined contact has also been found to be successful for improving outgroup attitudes in 16- to 17-year olds (Turner, West, & Christie, 2013). Organizing Periods of Study Abroad As an alternative to intercultural contact within the classroom (which is not always possible when schools are ethnically homogeneous), students can encounter people from other cultural groups in various other ways. One way is to spend a period of time studying abroad. Several studies (e.g., Anquetil, 2006; Vande Berg, 2009) have shown that studying abroad does not always enhance students’ intercultural competence; indeed, under some conditions, studying abroad can actually be a deeply distressing, stressful, and unsettling experience (Ayano, 2006). However, when students are provided with appropriate preparation and support, the experience can result in significant gains in intercultural competence. This finding emerges clearly from a series of studies evaluating the impact of the AFS study abroad program.2 On this program, high school students spend 10 months 2 97 living and studying abroad. Crucially, AFS provides a highly structured experience. Preparation activities include predeparture orientations, student research into the host country, and the provision of advice on language learning and on forming friendships in the host country. During the period of study abroad, students also receive several host country orientations. Students are only placed with suitable host families and host schools, and they also have access to a local liaison volunteer. Evaluation studies (AFS, 2012; Hammer, 2004; Hansel, 2008a, 2008b) show that, compared to controls, high school students who have participated in the AFS program have higher levels of intercultural competence, experience less anxiety when interacting with people from other cultures after returning home, and have more friendships with people from other cultures. They also, not unexpectedly, have greater knowledge of the host country and greater fluency in the language of the host country. Importantly, students maintain these advantages 20–25 years later: compared to controls, after this period of time, they are still more likely to speak at least one other language fluently, to have friends from other cultures, to be more comfortable in different cultural settings, and to seek jobs that involve contact with other cultures. They are also more likely to encourage their own children to meet people from other cultures and study abroad, suggesting that communication and interaction with people from other cultures has become a core part of their value system. Arranging for Students to Have Internet-Based Intercultural Contact Not all school students are able to take advantage of study abroad schemes. The financial costs of student mobility, in particular, can be a significant inhibitor of participation. However, even in the case of students who attend ethnically homogeneous schools and whose families cannot afford to send them on a lengthy period of study abroad, there are other actions that schools can take to ensure that their students have suitable intercultural experiences and contact. Creative use of the Internet is one such action (Barrett, Byram, Lázár, et al., 2013; Fisher, Evans, & Esch, 2004). The Internet provides students with an almost unlimited opportunity to access information about other cultures, to communicate with students from those cultures, and to exchange views and perspectives with diverse people whom they might otherwise never meet or interact with in person. For example, online video conferencing and social media can be used for collaborative projects between students in different countries, in which the students AFS (originally the American Field Service) is an international organization that operates in over 80 countries and provides study abroad opportunities for over 13,000 students and teachers annually. Ó 2018 Hogrefe Publishing European Psychologist (2018), 23(1), 93–104 http://econtent.hogrefe.com/doi/pdf/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 - Martyn Barrett <[email protected]> - Monday, March 19, 2018 4:46:44 AM - IP Address:81.98.3.239 98 M. Barrett, How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People present themselves, interview each other, discuss issues, and complete tasks designed by their teachers. If communication becomes difficult or breaks down, there is the opportunity for discussions with the teacher about what went wrong, what unintended messages might have damaged the communication, and how future communications can be conducted in a more interculturally sensitive manner. Online activities using social media could therefore enable students to develop, inter alia, openness, listening skills, perspective-taking skills, tolerance of ambiguity, respect for others, critical thinking skills, communication skills, cooperation skills, and critical understanding of culture and cultures. While detailed and robust research is still needed into the extent to which it is possible to implement optimal intergroup contact conditions through the Internet, there are some existing studies which suggest that this may well be possible. For example, Byram, Golubeva, Hui, and Wagner (2017) draw together a series of studies involving higher education students that explored the outcomes that can occur when students in different countries, who are of equal status to each other, cooperate on focused projects through email, Skype, and/or a dedicated project wiki, with support and encouragement from their teachers. The studies involved collaborative projects that were set up by foreign language teachers in such a way that they required the students in the different countries to communicate and cooperate closely with each other, to become aware of their own cultural presuppositions, to engage in critical thinking, and to foster the acquisition of the different components of intercultural competence. The projects ranged across a variety of different topics but always had to result in some kind of civic or political activity by the students in their own communities that addressed a specific topic or issue (e.g., recycling, graffiti, or climate change). The studies were qualitative rather than quantitative, and employed relatively small samples. However, analyses of the conversations that took place between the students, and analyses of the students’ reflections on the collaborative process, revealed that these students came to form “bonded” international groups, developed common international identifications, gained new intercultural and international understandings, acquired skills of criticality, developed their intercultural competence, and learned how to apply their intercultural competence through action in their own communities. Collaborative e-projects do not necessarily need to involve students in different countries. They can also involve students living in different regions of the same country. For example, McKenna, Ipgrave, and Jackson (2008) set up a project in which primary school children living in a large multicultural city in England used email to communicate with same-age children living in a monocultural rural area European Psychologist (2018), 23(1), 93–104 in England. They found that the children communicated well with each other, formed relationships, learned about each others’ cultural worlds through their communications, and developed their intercultural competence in the process. Similar findings have been obtained with high school students (White & Abu-Rayya, 2012). Setting Up School-Community Links and Partnerships, and Implementing Service Learning Projects Another way in which schools can create opportunities for students to experience contact with members of other cultural groups, even when those schools are ethnically homogeneous, is by forming educational links and partnerships with organizations and individuals in their local community. There are numerous possibilities here. For example, individuals with other cultural affiliations can be invited to the school to work with or talk to students in the classroom; students can also interview visitors using questions prepared in advance with the teacher. In addition, students can visit community organizations and places of worship in their neighborhood, and they can also interview community members in their own environments. Finally, students can be required to make observations and reflect critically on their own responses to meeting people who have different cultural affiliations from themselves. Jackson (2014) provides detailed guidance on the preparations that teachers need to undertake to manage these kinds of intercultural contacts effectively in order to maximize the likelihood of appropriate outcomes being achieved. There is evidence that involving external visitors from different cultural backgrounds in primary school students’ activities in the classroom does indeed help to reduce those students’ cultural stereotypes and prejudices and enhance their cultural knowledge (Christou & Puigvert, 2011). In addition, service learning projects that are undertaken in the community seem to be highly effective in fostering several components of intercultural competence. These projects require students to participate in organized service activities that benefit the community beyond the school, with the activities being based on what has been learnt in the classroom; afterwards, students are required to reflect critically on their service experience in order to develop their academic learning and to gain further understanding of course content (Bringle, 2017; Rauschert & Byram, 2017). Undertaking service learning activity in the community that involves contact with individuals from other cultural backgrounds seems to be especially effective with both high school and higher education students, leading to better self-knowledge, self-efficacy, empathy, and understanding and tolerance of cultural otherness (Bringle, 2017; Morgan & Streb, 2001). Ó 2018 Hogrefe Publishing M. Barrett, How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People http://econtent.hogrefe.com/doi/pdf/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 - Martyn Barrett <[email protected]> - Monday, March 19, 2018 4:46:44 AM - IP Address:81.98.3.239 Actions Based on Pedagogical Approaches Supporting Students’ Critical Reflection on Their Intercultural Experiences and on Their Own Cultural Affiliations It is important to reiterate that intercultural contact is more likely to reduce prejudice, increase tolerance, and boost intercultural competence if the four intercultural contact conditions are fulfilled and if students are appropriately prepared for their intercultural encounters. In addition, intercultural competence is most likely to be enhanced if students are encouraged to reflect critically on their intercultural encounters (Alred, Byram, & Fleming, 2003; Byram et al., 2017; Vande Berg, 2009). Furthermore, it has been found that if 11- to 18-year-old students actively explore their own cultural identities and heritage, this exploration can also contribute to their levels of intercultural competence over and above the contribution that is made by their contact with people from other cultural backgrounds (Schwarzenthal, Juang, Schachner, van de Vijver, & Handrick, 2017). Thus, encouraging students to reflect critically on their intercultural experience and encouraging them to explore their own cultural identities and heritage are two important additional strategies that can be used for building their intercultural competence. Two educational tools that have been developed specifically to support and scaffold students’ critical reflections on their intercultural encounters and on their own cultural identities are the Autobiography of Intercultural Encounters (AIE; Byram, Barrett, Ipgrave, Jackson, & Méndez García, 2009) and the Autobiography of Intercultural Encounters through Visual Media (AIEVM; Barrett, Byram, Ipgrave, & Seurrat, 2013). These tools provide students with structured sequences of questions that are designed to progressively channel and deepen their thinking about their intercultural encounters, about their reactions to those encounters, and about their own cultural positioning. The AIE supports critical reflection on face-to-face encounters that have involved communication with cultural others, while the AIEVM supports reflection on images of cultural others that have been encountered in visual media such as television, cinema, newspapers, and magazines. At the time of writing, a third tool is in the process of development which supports students’ critical reflection on intercultural encounters involving communications that have taken place through social media. All three tools are designed to be used repeatedly over an extended period of time (such as an entire year of school study) in relationship to multiple encounters, over the course of which the various components of intercultural competence are progressively strengthened through the process of critical reflection. There are two versions of each tool: one for use by younger students aged between 5 and 11 years old, and one for students aged 11 years and older. Ó 2018 Hogrefe Publishing 99 Studies into the effects of using the AIE and AIEVM with students in higher education (Lindner & Méndez Garcia, 2014; Méndez García, 2017) suggest that these tools are indeed effective for enhancing students’ intercultural competence, especially their intercultural awareness, selfawareness, and perspective-taking abilities. However, these evaluation studies are small scale and qualitative in nature. Further studies using larger samples, younger samples, and experimental methodology are still needed to test the effects of using these tools on students’ intercultural competence. Cooperative Learning One pedagogical approach that has been found to be extremely effective in boosting intercultural competence in students of any age from 3 years upwards is cooperative learning (see Johnson, 2003, 2009; Johnson & Johnson, 1999; Parrenas & Parrenas, 1990; Slavin, 1991, 1995). Cooperative learning does not simply mean students working together in pairs or small groups in an unstructured manner. Instead, it involves students working together on tasks that have some specific cooperative features built into their structure. Johnson and Johnson (2009) argue that the following features are required: Positive interdependence: students need to perceive that they are linked with other group members in such a way that they cannot succeed in achieving the common group goal unless they work together on the given task. Individual accountability: the performance of each individual student needs to be regularly assessed and the results given back both to the group and the individual. Promotive interaction: students need to help, share, and encourage each other’s efforts to complete the tasks and achieve the group goals. Appropriate use of social skills: students need to be taught the social skills that are required for high-quality cooperation (e.g., decision-making, trust-building, communication, and conflict-management skills) and be motivated to use these skills (note that some of these skills are components of intercultural competence). Group processing: groups need to reflect periodically on how well they are functioning and how they might improve the working relationships between the group members. Positive interdependence is particularly important in cooperative learning, because it enables students to recognize that everyone’s efforts are needed in order to achieve the group goals, and this in turn generates a commitment to other students’ success as well as their own. European Psychologist (2018), 23(1), 93–104 http://econtent.hogrefe.com/doi/pdf/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 - Martyn Barrett <[email protected]> - Monday, March 19, 2018 4:46:44 AM - IP Address:81.98.3.239 100 M. Barrett, How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People Cooperative learning that follows these principles, especially when the group members are drawn from different cultural groups, helps to boost the number of intercultural friendships, the significance that is attached to those friendships, students’ acceptance of cultural differences, an appreciation of the strengths of diverse people, empathy, and communication skills (Johnson, 2003; Johnson & Johnson, 1999). An alternative form of cooperative learning is the jigsaw classroom. This involves dividing the class up into groups of five or six students. Each member of a group is assigned some unique information to learn that must later be shared with the other members of that group in order for the group to achieve its common goal (Aronson & Patnoe, 2011). The distinctive characteristics of a jigsaw group are: All of the students’ individual assignments within a group are related to each other in such a way that every student receives some but not all of the pieces of the overall group assignment. Individual students have to master their own assignments and then teach them to the other members of the group – thus, each individual spends a part of their time taking on the role of an expert and exercising their communication skills. Each student must listen to all the other students in their group, ask appropriate questions, and master all of the material – thus, the assignment requires both individual work and team work. The overall group assignment is to synthesize all of the individual contributions in order to construct a complete picture – the assignment therefore culminates in a whole group problem-solving task. The structure of the jigsaw activity means that every group member becomes equally important. Because students have to rely on each other in order to do well, their competitive attitudes are reduced and their cooperative attitudes are enhanced – the group can only succeed if every student succeeds. It has been found that jigsaw activities lead to increases in students’ empathy and positive attitudes toward their peers, and reduce their levels of racial prejudice when the groups are composed of students drawn from different cultural backgrounds. Much of the evidence for these conclusions comes from work with fifth and sixth grade children (Blaney, Stephan, Rosenfield, Aronson, & Sikes, 1977; Geffner, 1978; Walker & Crogan, 1998). Project-Based Learning Another pedagogical approach that has been found to be effective in developing students’ intercultural competence is project-based learning (Cook & Weaving, 2013; Trilling & Fadel, 2009). Such learning involves students participating European Psychologist (2018), 23(1), 93–104 in real-world situations or tasks. A project needs to be meaningful and engaging, and based on a set of core questions that have to be answered by the student. Projects can vary in scope from short projects that address a single specific issue through to lengthy projects that result in the creation of substantial products and presentations that may be made to one or more audiences. Projects typically require the student to undertake planning and design work, decision-making, investigative activities, and problemsolving as part of the project. Projects are usually undertaken in collaboration with other students, although they may also be conducted independently. Critical selfreflection on the process of conducting the project, and particularly on the learning process, is usually an integral component of a project, with evaluations of learning taking place throughout the progress of the project. Projects based on group work at both primary and secondary school level have been found to be effective in building various aspects of students’ intercultural competence, including linguistic and communicative skills, listening skills, perspective-taking skills, and respect for others (Bell, 2010; Harper, 2015; Pellegrino & Hilton, 2012). Other Pedagogical Activities In addition to cooperative learning and project-based learning, there are numerous other pedagogical activities that can be employed by teachers to promote the intercultural competence of students. For example, Barrett, Byram, Lázár, et al. (2013) describe all of the following: Activities emphasizing multiple perspectives: these take the form of a verbal description or a visual recording of an event or phenomenon which is then supplemented with or juxtaposed to other descriptions or recordings of the same event or phenomenon provided by other people who see it from different perspectives. Such activities can help to develop students’ perspective-taking skills, tolerance of ambiguity, openness, and skills of listening and observation. Role plays and simulations: these help students to experience at first-hand what it is like to be different, to be criticized, or to be marginalized or excluded. They can enable students to understand that, although people might exhibit superficial differences in appearance or differences in beliefs and values, they nevertheless still have dignity and are deserving of respect. Analyzing texts, films, and plays: depending on the choice of text, film, or play, and the teacher’s framing of the exercise, which could involve asking students to explain their own judgments or to take the perspective of characters that have been depicted, this type of activity can be used to build knowledge and understanding of people from diverse cultural backgrounds, Ó 2018 Hogrefe Publishing http://econtent.hogrefe.com/doi/pdf/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 - Martyn Barrett <[email protected]> - Monday, March 19, 2018 4:46:44 AM - IP Address:81.98.3.239 M. Barrett, How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People to stimulate critical reflection on cultural issues, and to enhance openness, empathy, respect, critical thinking skills, and the valuing of human dignity, human rights, and cultural diversity. Staging plays extends this learning still further because acting enables people to personally explore and reflect on experiences which they would probably never otherwise have. Ethnographic tasks: these tasks involve students either observing or talking to people beyond the classroom and bringing their observations or notes back into the classroom which they can then compare, analyze, and reflect upon. Reflection can help them to think critically about what they have observed or heard and about how they themselves reacted within the ethnographic situation. If the activity involves interviewing people, students can also develop their active listening skills, perspective-taking skills, tolerance of ambiguity, and respect. Actions Based on School Institutional Policies Using a Culturally Inclusive and Relevant Curriculum A further way in which some of the components of intercultural competence can be promoted in students is through the use of a culturally inclusive and relevant curriculum. This approach treats the cultural affiliations of minority students who are in the class as a resource for learning. School curricula are often based on the national history and culture of the majority cultural group, and exclude the culture and contributions of minority groups. Culturally inclusive curricula include coverage of the histories, cultural practices, beliefs, and contributions that have been made by minority cultural groups as well as those of the majority national group, and they can provide a much more accurate representation of the diversity that is often present within the classroom. For this reason, they can have far greater relevance to both minority and majority students within the classroom, especially if the cultural affiliations of both minority and majority students are treated on an equal footing (Nieto, 2000). It has been found that, when primary and secondary schools introduce culturally inclusive curricula, it helps to reduce students’ cultural prejudices and fosters greater respect toward minority groups that are usually marginalized within society (Cammarota, 2007; Ladson-Billings, 1995a, 1995b; Sleeter, 2011). Adopting a Whole School Approach to Valuing Diversity and Human Rights A whole school approach to valuing diversity and human rights involves ensuring that all aspects of the school – not just curriculum content but also teaching and learning Ó 2018 Hogrefe Publishing 101 methods, leadership, governance, school decision-making structures and policies, codes of behavior, interpersonal relationships including staff-student relationships, extracurricular activities, and external links to the community – are based on the valuing of diversity and the valuing of the dignity and human rights of everyone within the school community and beyond (including both majority and minority group members). A wide range of actions can be taken to implement a whole school approach to valuing diversity. In addition to using a culturally inclusive curriculum, actions can include holding inclusive celebrations of cultural and religious festivals, respecting all students’ holiday traditions, ensuring that all students’ cultural or religious needs are met, and appointing staff who have minority cultural affiliations (Billot, Goddard, & Cranston, 2007). A particularly noteworthy example of a whole school approach to valuing diversity and human rights is provided by UNICEF UK’s Rights Respecting Schools Award scheme. To become members of this scheme, schools have to place the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC; United Nations, 1989) at the heart of their planning, policy, practice, and ethos. Through a wide range of activities, these schools teach children about their own rights and about the key principles inherent in upholding human rights, including dignity, responsibility, accountability, nondiscrimination, interdependency, and participation. The principle of nondiscrimination requires schools to work to achieve positive outcomes for all children irrespective of their cultural affiliations, while the principles of participation, dignity, and accountability require schools to provide opportunities for pupils to make active contributions to the life and community of the school. Rights respecting schools ensure that their policies and structures apply a rights-based approach to all decisions and activities within the school and not just in the classroom. The schools function as communities where students’ rights are learned, taught, respected, promoted, and protected, and where students and indeed the entire school community learn about human rights by putting them into practice every day. The schools also monitor and review their activities to ensure that children’s rights are being protected, using the UNCRC as a framework, and making explicit how everything they do promotes and protects human rights. The rights-based approach is applied across all school relationships, including children, teachers, parents, governors as well as the wider local and global community (UNICEF UK, 2017). Research into the impact of the Rights Respecting Schools Award in both primary and secondary schools has revealed that, in these schools, students develop a clear understanding of not only their own rights but also their responsibilities toward other people, become supportive of the rights of others locally, nationally and globally, develop positive and socially responsible identities, develop listening European Psychologist (2018), 23(1), 93–104 http://econtent.hogrefe.com/doi/pdf/10.1027/1016-9040/a000308 - Martyn Barrett <[email protected]> - Monday, March 19, 2018 4:46:44 AM - IP Address:81.98.3.239 102 M. Barrett, How Schools Can Promote the Intercultural Competence of Young People skills, empathy and respect for others, develop higher order critical thinking and reasoning skills (as a consequence of thinking about rights dilemmas in particular), and feel empowered as citizens who can challenge injustice, inequality, discrimination, and poverty in the world. Students in these schools also have high self-esteem and feel valued, are more engaged and feel empowered, have positive attitudes toward inclusivity and diversity in society, have cooperative relationships with their peers, and are ready to accept responsibility for their own mistakes (Covell, 2013; Sebba & Robinson, 2010). In short, these students develop many of the components of intercultural competence to a high level. Conclusions It is clear that there are numerous actions that can be taken by schools to promote the intercultural competence of young people. These include actions based on intergroup contact, actions based on pedagogical approaches, and actions based on school institutional policies (for a summary, see Table 1). However, for these various actions to be successfully implemented, teachers need to act as agents of transformation in students’ lives. This is an extremely significant role, and teachers need to be adequately prepared for it. Such preparation should involve both pre-service and in-service training to ensure not only that teachers’ own intercultural competence is sufficiently developed to enable them to deliver suitable educational experiences to their students, but also that they are sufficiently familiar with and experienced in using the various methods that can be used to promote students’ intercultural competence. This paper has reviewed a large number of such methods, together with the studies that have been conducted to evaluate their effectiveness. The studies provide an optimistic picture that young people’s intercultural competence can indeed be enhanced through the use of these various methods. However, the existing evaluation studies are often not optimal. Many studies use small samples, use qualitative methods but do not perform reliability checks on the interpretations drawn from the data, fail to employ control groups, and often fail to even report the precise ages of the students who have participated in the studies. There is an urgent need for new evaluation studies, based on more rigorous research methods, to assess the effectiveness of many of the actions identified in this paper. In addition, further studies are required to assess the effectiveness of these various actions in different cultural settings. It is possible that a particular action promotes the development of intercultural competence in one setting European Psychologist (2018), 23(1), 93–104 (e.g., in an ethnically heterogeneous school) but not in another (e.g., in an ethnically homogeneous school). A further complication is that it is also possible that particular actions are only effective in promoting the intercultural competence of highly specific subgroups of young people. The intercultural experiences of children and adolescents are likely to be specific to particular subgroups defined in terms of their age, gender, ethnicity, locale, and nation (e.g., specific to younger females from a minority background living in a large multicultural city in a particular country, or specific to older males from a national majority background living in a monocultural rural area of another country). In other words, young people occupy very specific cultural positionings, and different methods may be needed to boost their intercultural competence according to their positioning. Both teachers and researchers need to be aware of the internal diversity that exists within all cultural groups, alert to the possibility that different actions may be required to promote intercultural competence within different subgroups of young people, and avoid drawing over-general conclusions that go beyond the actual evidence base. In short, there is a considerable research agenda that still needs to be pursued in this field. While existing work has identified a wide range of actions that can be used to promote the intercultural competence of young people in schools, more research is required to identify the precise circumstances under which particular actions are most effective and the subgroups of young people who can benefit the most from each action. References Aboud, F. E., & Levy, S. R. (2000). 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Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 48, 597–608. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2012.01.007 Received June 24, 2017 Revision received October 3, 2017 Accepted October 17, 2017 Published online March 16, 2018 Martyn Barrett School of Psychology University of Surrey Guildford Surrey GU2 7XH UK [email protected] Martyn Barrett is Emeritus Professor of Psychology at the University of Surrey, UK. His primary research interests are focused on young people, race, ethnicity and nation, and the societal challenges that arise from cultural diversity. He is currently working on a flagship project, “Competences for Democratic Culture,” for the Council of Europe, which is producing a new European Reference Framework of the competences that young people require to participate effectively in democratic culture. He is also currently working with the OECD PISA team developing the conceptual framework and assessments of global competence for PISA 2018. Ó 2018 Hogrefe Publishing
